THE TAWAIF, THE ANTI - NAUTCH MOVEMENT, AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF NORTH INDIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC:

Part 7 - Effects of the Anti-Nautch Move­ment on North In­dian Music

by David Courtney working tools

performance

 


Part 1 - Introduction
Part 2 - The Tawaifs
Part 3 - Evolution of the Will to End the Tawaifs
Part 4 - Evolution of the Means to End the Tawaifs
Part 5 - The Anti-Nautch Move­ment
Part 6 - The Passing of the Torch
Part 7 - Affects of the Anti-Nautch Move­ment on North In­dian Music - This Page
Part 8 - Epilogue

SUMMARY OF TOPICS COVERED EARLIER

The tawaifs were an In­dian equi­val­ent of the Japan­ese geisha. At the end of the 19th cen­tury there was a Bri­tish in­spired per­se­cu­tion of danc­ing girls.  This per­se­cu­tion in­clu­ded the tawaif.  How­ever for there to be an ef­fec­tive per­se­cu­tion, there had to be both a will as well as the means to carry it out.  The will was pro­vided by a com­bi­na­tion of Vic­tor­ian moral­is­tic and po­li­ti­cal con­si­dera­tions.  The means was pro­vided by the Bri­tish con­so­li­da­tion of their con­trol over the In­dian sub­con­ti­nent.  The per­se­cu­tions star­ted in the South and were ini­tia­lly directed at the temple girls, how­ever they quic­kly spread to the North where the tawaifs be­came the targets.  During these per­se­cu­tions, there were ser­ious ques­tions whether the art-forms that the tawaifs special­ised in would survive.  As it tur­ned out these arts were embraced by the In­dian mid­dle class as part of a cul­tural renaissance that was sweeping India in the early 20th cen­tury.

This sec­tion will exam­ine the var­ious mus­ical genres, dance forms, as well as the instrumental accompanists that were associated with the tawaif.  We will see how they suffered.  We will also look at how the music chan­ged as it was taken out of the 18th cen­tury tawaif cul­ture and passed onto the 20th cen­tury mid­dle class cul­ture.  We will see how the pro­cess of changing the cul­ture in which these arts existed had profound affects upon them.  In par­ti­cu­lar, we exam­ine the de­cline in the Muslim tawaifs and their ac­com­panist with the subsequent transfer of their arts to a largely Hindu mid­dle class.

 

 

Cultural Recontextualisation

Music and dance are in­ext­ric­ably linked to the cul­tures in which they are placed.  When a mus­ical form is transferred from one cul­tural context to an­other, this is an example of cul­tural recontextualisation.  To a cer­tain degree this is a normal pro­cess.  Times change and the cul­tural en­vi­ron­ment changes with the time, therefore mus­ical styles are constantly undergoing some slight degree of recontextualisation, otherwise they pass out of fash­ion.  But oc­casion­ally there are major examples of cul­tural recontextualisation.  These are rare, but when they do occur, there are profound changes in both the performance as well as the consumption of music.

One example of a major recontextualisation of music may be seen in jazz.  In the space of less than a hundred years it chan­ged from be­ing a southern Afro-American art-form, into an international, urbane art-form; one in which the ma­jor­ity of its prac­ti­tion­ers are white.  In the pro­cess of be­ing recontextualised, the music underwent drastic changes.  It is useful to keep this jazz analogy in mind as we look at the recontextualisation of the tawaif's arts.

The change in cul­tural context of the tawaifs art-forms may be exam­ined very sim­ply.  We look at the cul­ture from which the arts came, and we look at the cul­ture into which the arts have come to occupy today.

Let us first review the cul­ture in which these arts developed.  With the exception of the area around Benares, Jaipur, and a few other small principalities, the tawaifs were largely Muslim.  Their ac­com­pany­ing music­ians too, were largely Muslim, and came from var­ious classes of hereditary music­ians.  Although the tawaifs were gen­erally known for their ext­remely high level of formal edu­cation, their circle of accompanists were often illiterate and oc­cu­pied a lower strata of so­ciety.  They subsisted on royal pat­ron­age, so they were ever mindful of the po­li­ti­cal si­tua­tions in their kingdom; they were not above be­ing active participants in these po­li­ti­cal machinations.

But the cul­tural en­vi­ron­ment in which these arts came to reside was very dif­fer­ent.  Kathak dan­cers, classical vocalists, and their ac­com­pany­ing music­ians have largely be­come Hindu.  Today their socio-economic strata is very dif­fer­ent; today it is largely a mid­dle, to upper class affair.  The days of the illiterate musician are over; today's art­ists typically have a respectable level of formal edu­cation.  Involvement in the po­li­ti­cal arena is no longer neces­sary, so most music­ians and dan­cers today tend to have no more interest in politics than the pub­lic at large.

We will see later, that these differences have come to be ref­lected in very profound ways.  In par­ti­cu­lar, there are fun­da­men­tal differences bet­ween Hindu and Islamic world-views.  These differences, when couple with a seismic shift in the cul­ture of India du­ring the late 19th and 20th cen­tury, meant that these mus­ical forms do not have the same sig­nifi­cance.  Neither are they performed in the same way.

 

The Tawaif's Arts

There were a num­ber of arts that had a strong association with the tawaifs.  Let us exam­ine these and see how they have fared.

Dance - Dance was the focal point of the anti-nautch move­ment.  Very ob­viously the dan­cers them­sel­ves suffered the most, and the dance it­self was under con­si­der­able pres­sure.  It is inter­est­ing to note that the ext­reme pres­sure placed upon kathak and its exponents caused this dance to bifurcate into two genres.  There is the kathak and there is the mujara.

A comparison bet­ween the kathak and the mujara is in order.  kathak is a very refined and formalised dance form.  It is a com­bi­na­tion of narrative elements as well as highly abs­tract "pure" dance forms.  There is a great reliance on comp­lex rhyt­hmic forms.  In contrast, the mujara is con­si­dered to be a South Asian erotic dance.  It is con­si­der­ably less formalised, and may be a hodgepodge of cabaret, belly-dance, and kathak.  Today it is often indistinguishable from the typical Bollywood dance.

Kathak dancer

Kathak dancer

Typical Bollywood Mujara

Typical Bollywood Mujara

It is inter­est­ing to note that the differences bet­ween the contemporary mujara and kathak are very great.  They are so great that even an uninitiated audience can readily discern the difference when the two are performed side by side.  Yet in spite of the clear stylistic differences, the average uninitiated audience tends to confuse mujara and kathak.  The rea­son for this con­fusion is ac­tually quite simple and may be sum­med up in a sin­gle word: Bollywood.

Bollywood has invoked "kathak" dances for many de­cades.  But what it has been passing off on the pub­lic has gen­erally not been the refined kathak, but the mujara variety.  There­fore, it should be no surprise that the average pub­lic is confused on this mat­ter.

Historically, the mujara and the kathak were one and the same; the bifurcation is a late 19th/ early 20th cen­tury phe­no­menon.  It is useful for us to step back and look at the cul­tural circumstances that lead to this bifurcation.

Kathak in the 18th and early 19th cen­tury was a very highly refined and formalised art.  The pat­rons of the tawaifs were very refined too, and no stran­gers to the arcane conventions of the art.  As mat­ter of fact, one of the greatest pat­rons of the tawaifs was the ruler of Avadh (Oudh), the Wazid Ali Shah, who himself was so versed in the arts, that he is credited with nu­mer­ous kathak pieces.  In this rarified en­vi­ron­ment, it is no surprise that kathak was able to attain incredible levels of sophistication.

Unfortunately this rarified and sophisticated en­vi­ron­ment did not survive.  In the mid to later part of the 19th cen­tury, large num­bers of in­de­pen­dent principalities were annexed into the Bri­tish Empire.  With the decimation of the in­de­pen­dent principalities, the tawaifs were forced to seek their pat­ron­age with the nouveau riche, who typically did not understand the subtle conventions of the art-form.  In order for the tawaifs to survive, they were forced to concentrate on ever more vulgar aspects of their repertoire, thus initiating a downward spiral in ar­tis­tic content.  The si­tua­tion for the tawaifs be­came even worse in the early de­cades of the 20th cen­tury, when they had to endure a con­si­der­able amount of pro­fes­sional com­pe­ti­tion from the non-tawaifs who were entering the dance field.  These non-tawaifs appropriated the more dignified repertoire, and left the tawaifs with no recourse other than to continually emphasise the erotic material.

The rise of the film in­dus­try fur­ther complicated the si­tua­tion.  The mujara dance was the ori­gi­nal "item num­ber", but these films star­ted to mix var­ious folk and Western elements into the dance.  This began to be ref­lected in the repertoire of the tawaifs.  The mujara con­tin­ued its downward spiral.  It de­clined to the ex­tent that through much of the first half of the 20th cen­tury, the mujara was only to be found in the "red light" districts of In­dian cities.  Today one can still find mujara dan­cers, but their con­nec­tion with the noble kathak of the past is essen­tially severed.

But the evolu­tion of the refined Kathak pro­cee­ded down a comp­letely dif­fer­ent line.  In the later part of the 19th cen­tury, men were becoming the repositories of the kathak repertoire.  Only the men could perform with­out fear of be­ing branded as pros­ti­tutes.  During the cul­tural renaissance, the narrative aspects of the dance star­ted to be re-emphasised.  This was es­pec­ially true of stories related to Krishna and other trad­itional Hindu themes.  This was a ref­lec­tion both of the changing makeup of the art­ists, as well as the changing makeup of the audiences.

By the se­cond quar­ter of the 20th cen­tury more non-tawaif wo­men were entering the profession.  But in order to main­tain their "izzat" (dignity) they ten­ded to steer away from erotic elements that had once been a compo­nent in the repertoire.  For a long time the more classical kathak was nearly devoid of erotic content.

So we can simplify the pic­ture by saying this.  The kathak repertoire of the old tawaifs be­came bifurcated in the pro­cess of the recontextualisation of the art.  As the tawaifs descended into pros­ti­tu­tion, their emphasis on the erotic aspects of their arts intensified.  This be­came the mujara.  Conversely the new the mid­dle class art­ists developed the non-erotic elements which have come to be viewed as the pres­ent kathak.

It has not been my goal to conjecture as to the future of the kathak, but in this case think I should.  We are now witnessing a reintroduction of erotic content into the repertoire of the kathak dancer.  This really has nothing to do with the old tawaifs, but is instead a ref­lec­tion of seve­ral pheno­mena.  On one hand, we have the Bollywood film in­dus­try with its ext­remely powerful grip upon pop­ular cul­ture.  Bollywood has continually pushed the more erotic mujara as be­ing kathak.  Fur­ther­more, we have a so­ciety today which is much more tolerant of erotic content in art.  This coup­led with the fact that many concert goers are blithely unaware that there is even a difference bet­ween kathak and mujara.  And we must not forget that audience expectations is an ext­remely powerful influence on the development of any art.

The re­sult of these var­ious influences is inter­est­ing.  We are seeing more fusion of the mujara and kathak.  In the next few de­cades it is possibly that they may converge.  This is an inter­est­ing thing to watch.  If it does happen, it will be based upon very dif­fer­ent set of so­cial and cul­tural pres­sures than that which we have been examining in this arti­cle.

Vocal forms - If we look a the the influence of the anti-nautch move­ment and the recontextualisation of the vocal forms, we get a slightly dif­fer­ent pic­ture.  By the time that the anti-nautch move­ment began, most of the vocal forms were shared by tawaifs and non-tawaifs alike.  This was a major contrast to the kathak / mujara dance forms that the tawaifs had a near mono­poly on.

Since the vocal forms were shared by both tawaif and non-tawaif, the im­pact of the anti-nautch move­ment was not nearly so profound.  The only clear im­pact that the anti-nautch move­ment had was that, for a period, peo­ple ten­ded to boycott the female artist in favour of the male vocalist.

But that is not to say that there were not changes.  There was still the changes which oc­cur­red as the music was taken up by the Hindu mid­dle classes and taken from the largely Muslim hereditary music­ians.  How­ever since these changes were due to ev­ents that were only loosely connected to the anti-nautch move­ment, we will not dis­cuss it fur­ther here.

 

 




The Tawaifs Accompanists

A move­ment on the order of the anti-nautch move­ment would be expected to cause a con­si­der­able amount of collateral damage.  Remember that the nautch was not merely an In­dian danc­ing girl, but rep­resen­ted a large and more comp­lex so­cial, ar­tis­tic, and eco­nomic entity.  If the tawaif suffered so­cially and eco­nomically, then her mus­ical accompanists also suffered, the tailors that special­ised in their refined expensive, yet very special­ised clothing also suffered.  Fur­ther­more, it is not just peo­ple who suffer, but en­tire mus­ical and dance genres suffer.  Let us look at how some of these other entities were affected.

Sarangi vs. Harmonium - The rise of the harmonium and the de­cline in the sarangi are di­rec­tly attributable to the anti-nautch move­ment.  The sarangi had be­come so closely identified with tawaif, that sarangi players found it ext­remely dif­fi­cult to find work.  The stigma at­ta­ched to the sarangi was so great and lasted so long, that it was only around the turn of the 21st cen­tury, that we have seen any major resurgence in interest in this instrument.

sarangi player

sarangi player

The stigmatisation of the sarangi and the sarangi players had a very ob­vious problem.  If a vocalist was wanting to "clean up their image" by avoiding the sarangi, then what was there to fill the void.  This is where the harmonium enters the pic­ture.  When singers, us­ually male singers, wished to distance them­sel­ves as much as pos­sible from the tawaif, the harmonium pro­vided a convenient way to do it.  Since it was a Eu­ro­pean import, a male singer could pres­ent himself with a very dif­fer­ent image than if he had chosen a sarangi.  This image made it much easier to get performances among the rising In­dian bour­geoi­sie.

Harmonium player in old radio broadcast

Harmonium player in old radio broadcast

It should be noted that many as­cribe mus­ical rea­sons for the rise of the harmonium.  It is true that the fixed tuning of the harmonium makes it very convenient to main­tain the same key throughout a performance.  But that is hardly an advantage when its tempered scale is fun­da­men­tally out of tune with In­dian scales.  Fur­ther­more, its inability to handle cer­tain slides makes many rags al­most im­pos­sible to perform.  I think that even a cur­sory look at the mus­ical his­tory of the late 19th and early 20th centu­ries, makes it clear that it was so­cial, and not mus­ical pres­sures, that cased the sarangi to be replaced by the harmonium.

Tabla - Tabla is an­other instrument that, like the sarangi, be­came linked to the tawaif.  The re­sult was that du­ring the height of the anti-nautch move­ment and even for a long time afterwards, there was a tre­men­dous stigma at­ta­ched to both the tabla as well as tabla players.  The term "tabalchi" (i.e., one who plays the tabla), be­came synon­ymous with a drunk, a pimp, or a vulgar member of so­ciety.

Tabla player

Tabla player

One would natu­rally wonder why the tabla was not replaced with something else.  After-all, if the harmonium could be substituted for the sarangi, surly there must be some other instrument free of stigma that could replace the tabla.  Curiously the an­swer was no.  The dynamics of the north In­dian performance was such that a non-Indian percussion just could not fit the bill.  Other In­dian in­stru­ments such as pakhawaj or dholak might have been pressed into service, but their "Indian-ness" still made them somewhat suspect among many of the bour­geoi­sie.  There­fore, since there was no appropriate substitute, the tabla was retained as a neces­sary evil.

In this last sec­tion we exam­ined many of the curious ef­fects of the anti-nautch move­ment upon the dance, vocal forms, and var­ious in­stru­ments.  It is not surprising that the greatest influence was exerted upon the kathak dance form, re­sult­ing in its bifurcation.  But we also saw that sarangi players and tabla players both suffered due to their close association with the tawaif.

 

The Hindu Appropriation of the Arts

We have men­tioned ear­lier that north In­dian music be­came recontextualised du­ring the cul­tural renaissance in the early 20th cen­tury.  It is inter­est­ing to note that a major aspect of this recontextualisation was a re­sult of re­li­gious differences, as art­ists, and audiences alike began to be Hindu.  This had a major im­pact both upon the arts, as well as the way that so­ciety viewed the arts.  In par­ti­cu­lar, the histories of the in­stru­ments and art-forms were comp­letely re-examined.

Alterations of the Histories - One very sig­ni­fi­cant change in the arts was that they ac­quired dif­fer­ent histories.  When the Hindus in India absorbed the arts from their Islamic forebearers, it was deemed neces­sary to reinterpret them ac­cor­ding to very dif­fer­ent world views.  Fur­ther­more, the histories were rewritten in ways that downplayed the con­tri­butions of the tawaifs.  Let us look at this historical revisionism as a func­tion of differences bet­ween Hindu and Islamic world views.

The old hereditary music­ians knew al­most nothing about the his­tory of their craft; it is com­mon today to deride their ignor­ance in these mat­ters.  This is often attributed to their lack of edu­cation, as well as a ref­lec­tion of their posi­tion in the lower classes.  Although these are cer­tainly valid points, it is often overlooked that there may be an­other subtle, yet more profound rea­son for this ignor­ance of his­tory.

Today we tend to look at the si­tua­tion from the stand point of the ed­uca­ted Hindu; this is only to be expected since this re­pre­sents the ma­jor­ity cul­ture.  How­ever, we must not forget that there are fun­da­men­tal differences in the way Hindus and Muslims view the passage of time, and by ex­ten­sion, his­tory.

According to Hindu world views, the passage of time is in­ext­ric­ably linked to decay.  Ac­cor­ding to the Puranic scriptures, the world is crea­ted fresh and every­thing is perfect, but decay begins to set in.  This decay continues through seve­ral aeons (i.e., Yuga) un­til finally decay reaches such a level (i.e., Kaliyuga), that the world must be destroyed and crea­ted anew.  This view is is ref­lected in the definition of words, for insta­nce the Sanskrit word "kaal", means "death", "black", and "time".  But this basic Hindu con­cept of time is fun­da­men­tally at odds with Islamic con­cepts.

Let us look more closely at the Islamic con­cept of time.  In Islam, the con­cept of time be­ing only a destroyer, is derided; and is the definition of an atheist.  Hence the Arabic word for an atheist is "dahri" which is der­ived from the expression "ad dahr" which means "time".  The Arabic word for "atheism" is "ad dahriyyah".  So in the Islamic world view, the Hindu degenerative quality of time is con­si­dered to be fun­da­men­tally false, evil, and corrupting.  But this is not the only in­di­ca­tion that Hindus and Muslims view time dif­fer­ently.  For example, the time before Islam is re­fer­red to as "jahiliyyah" which implies a "time of ignor­ance".

The fact that Muslims and Hindus have very dif­fer­ent ap­proaches to time and his­tory had a profound im­pact on the recontextualisation of North In­dian classical music.  In the Islamic world view, antiquity is fun­da­men­tally suspect.  This is es­pec­ially true when it predates the arrival of Islam.  This is in sharp contrast to the Hindu belief that the older something is, the better it is, be­cause it is closer to the time when the world was perfect.  These fun­da­men­tal differences had profound repercussions.

Where the ear­lier Muslim art­ists felt no great need to con­cern them­sel­ves with the histories of their art, the Hindu inheritors felt that an antiquity to their art-forms was abso­lutely essen­tial.  They im­me­di­ately set about to do as much historical research as pos­sible.  Historical research is cer­tainly good, and we must thank the many scholars for their noble work.  But unfortunately, the benchmark for good historical research was very often who could push something back the furthest, and not how rigourous the research ac­tually was.

The re­sult was inter­est­ing.  Although the historical pic­ture of many in­stru­ments and genre star­ted to crystallise, in many cases this image was like a circus hall of mirrors.  Pre-Islamic or at least non-Islamic origins of things were greatly overstated (e.g. kathak) and in some cases fabricated (e.g., sarod, sarangi, sitar).  Conversely, Islamic origins were downgraded in importance, ignored, or in some cases replaced with a fabricated Hindu origins.

It is not really any use criticising the scholarship of many of the music historians of the early 20th cen­tury.  It is not our pur­pose to point fingers or accuse any­one of deception, but rather to understand the cul­tural, and psychological rea­sons be­hind such self deceptions.  Since the Hindu world view equated antiquity with validity, they were under tre­men­dous cul­tural pres­sures to discover or fabricate such an antiquities.

There was an­other way in which the his­tory of music was rewritten.  The tawaifs were expunged from the histories of the arts.  Artists who fre­quen­tly had multiple teachers, would edit their "official" parampara in ways that ex­cluded females, and only acknowledged the male mem­bers.  When themes were chosen for kheyals, the works of non-tawaifs was con­si­dered accept­able, but the literary works of tawaifs were not.

Hindu Themes - The thematic content of the ar­tis­tic material was also sub­ject to reinterpretation due to the recontextualisation of the tawaif's arts.  For insta­nce the largely secular themes of the kathak dances began to be supplemented with more narratives from Hindu mythology; stories of Krishna were es­pec­ially pop­ular.  The more secular lyrics from the kheyals ten­ded to be replaced with lyrics from Mira and other musician saints.  The examples of this are sim­ply to nu­mer­ous to chro­ni­cle.

 

 

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Part 1 - Introduction
Part 2 - The Tawaifs
Part 3 - Evolution of the Will to End the Tawaifs
Part 4 - Evolution of the Means to End the Tawaifs
Part 5 - The Anti-Nautch Move­ment
Part 6 - The Passing of the Torch
Part 7 - Affects of the Anti-Nautch Move­ment on North In­dian Music
Part 8 - Epilogue - Next Page

 

© 1998 - 2020 David and Chandrakantha Courtney

For comments, cor­rections, and sug­gestions, kindly contact David Courtney at [email protected]